By The NY Times. Vote Result in Greece Challenges More Than Austerity...

Με μια δήλωση του Ισπανου Αρχηγου κόμματος Podemos Ξεκίνησε το άρθρο η Εφημερίδα 

The New York Times..

pablo iglesias

Ο άνεμος της δημοκρατικής αλλαγής πνέει στην Ευρώπη," ο κ Iglesias, αρχηγός του κόμματος Podemos στην Ισπανία, δήλωσε στα ελληνικά σε μια σημαία να κυματίζει πλήθος υποστηρικτών του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ. "Αλλαγή στην Ελλάδα ονομάζεται ΣΥΡΙΖΑ. Και αλλαγή στην Ισπανία ονομάζεται Podemos. Η ελπίδα είναι στο δρόμο.

Αλέξης Τσίπρας

Διαβάστε όλο το Αρθρο..

ATHENS — Days before his emphatic victory in the Greek elections, Alexis Tsipras appeared at the final campaign rally of his left-wing Syriza party with a ponytailed Spaniard named Pablo Iglesias, whose own far-left political movement is now shaking up Spain.

The two men embraced like fellow insurgents, as speakers blasted the edgy lyrics of Leonard Cohen: “First we take Manhattan, then we take Berlin.”

“The wind of democratic change is blowing in Europe,” Mr. Iglesias, leader of the Podemos party in Spain, declared in Greek to a flag-waving throng of Syriza supporters. “Change in Greece is called Syriza. And change in Spain is called Podemos. Hope is on the way.”

No doubt Berlin is paying close attention, and Brussels, too. The rise of Syriza is a challenge to Europe’s German-led economic policies of austerity, and Mr. Tsipras has vowed to renegotiate the 

harsh terms of Greece’s financial bailout with its creditors.

 

Αλέξης Τσίπρας απέτισε φόρο τιμής στα θύματα της ναζιστικής σφαγής στην Αθήνα τη Δευτέρα μετά την ορκωμοσία του ως πρωθυπουργός της Ελλάδα.

But it is also a pointed threat to the European political status quo, as a new generation of leaders — including Prime Minister Matteo Renzi of Italy — emerges and anti-establishment parties on the right and left gather strength.

Indeed, many anti-establishment leaders on the far right — including Marine Le Pen of the National Front in France and Nigel Farage of the U.K. Independence Party in Britain — embraced Syriza’s victory as a triumph against European elites.

If this reflected a healthy dose of political opportunism, the support from the far right also underscored how the anti-austerity movement provided a huge tent in which political lines were easily blurred. To form a government, Mr. Tsipras on Monday allied with a small center-right party, Independent Greeks.

“Make no mistake, it is a huge ideological compromise,” Nick Malkoutzis, a political analyst in Athens, said. But, he added, “they have similar positions on how to approach the bailout. So although they disagree on everything else, this is the key to Syriza’s being right now.”

The Syriza victory comes as Germany’s dominance over European decision-making seems to be weakening, if only slightly. Despite the reported unhappiness of Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, the European Central Bank last week announced a trillion-euro program to buy government bonds in hopes of staving off deflation and stirring economic growth.

At the same time, leaders in France and Italy have been demanding for months that the budgetary constraints of austerity be eased.

Now much attention will be focused on Mr. Tsipras, who was sworn in Monday as the new prime minister of Greece. Throughout the campaign, opponents depicted him as an inexperienced radical whose demand to renegotiate the bailout terms could backfire and wreck the country. Mr. Tsipras confronted that criticism directly in his acceptance speech on Sunday night, when he declared that his party would prove that it could govern responsibly and well.

“The new Greek government will convince people that this is not a catastrophe for the country,” he said. “Catastrophe is not imminent.”

If so, many analysts say other upstart European parties will be beneficiaries. “It will make clear that these parties can come to power without destroying the country,” said Manuel Arias Maldonado, a professor of politics at Malaga University in Spain. “We are paying a lot of attention to Greece.”

In Spain, the emergence of Podemos has been swift and unexpected. Founded early last year, Podemos won almost 8 percent of the Spanish vote in European parliamentary elections last May — which denied the governing conservative Popular Party and the opposition Socialists a majority of votes for the first time since Spain’s return to democracy in the late 1970s.

Polls show that Podemos continues to gain ground as national elections approach — they are expected around November — and party leaders are hurriedly trying to build a nationwide political organization.

Like Syriza, Podemos has pushed an anti-austerity message and called for debt renegotiations with creditors, while Spain’s traditional parties have echoed their Greek counterparts by warning that Podemos is a threat to the country’s tentative economic recovery.

Mr. Iglesias, a college lecturer, has been attacking the Socialists and arguing that only Podemos can provide a true alternative to the conservative Popular Party.

 “It is clear that now there is a rift on the European question, between euroskeptics, whether they are on the left or the right, and those who believe that Europe needs to continue its political and economic construction,” said Pascal Perrineau, a professor at the Institut d’Études Politiques in Paris. “This rift has nothing to do with the left-right split,” he added. “That is why both Ms. Le Pen and the left-of-the-left are delighted by what happened in Greece.”

This broader political trend might explain why Ms. Merkel has praised Mr. Renzi and worked to develop a rapport with him, even as the Italian prime minister has regularly spoken out against austerity policies and gleefully praised the stimulus plan of Mario Draghi, the head of the European Central Bank.

Mr. Renzi remains popular with Italian voters and has positioned himself as a rebel inside the system, as he pushes his left-wing Democratic Party further to the right — while challenging the European Union to allow Italy more flexibility in meeting budgetary requirements.

Mr. Renzi and Mr. Tsipras have apparently never met, and the men, both 40, have their differences. Yet if Mr. Renzi has not endorsed a renegotiation of bailout agreements, whether for Italy or any other country, analysts say he will inevitably benefit from the hard-line push against austerity by Mr. Tsipras in Greece, and from the effort by Podemos in Spain.

“Renzi believes that European policy of fiscal austerity is excessive and wrong, which is similar to Tsipras,” said Guido Tabellini, a professor of economics at Bocconi University in Milan. “But that is about it. Their economic policies don’t have much more in common.”

In Italy, the main anti-establishment party has been the Five Star Movement, led by the comedian Beppe Grillo. But Mr. Grillo has seen his popularity dip as Mr. Renzi has steadily become the central figure in Italian politics. Mr. Renzi’s relationship with Mr. Tsipras will be closely watched.

“Tsipras might help Renzi to convince the E.U. to have fiscal policy less obsessed with balanced budget constraints,” Mr. Tabellini said, “while Italy can push Greece to start and boost reforms.”

Mr. Tsipras needs no reminder that he is unloved by the Greek political establishment that he thrashed. In a break with custom, the departing prime minister, Antonis Samaras of the conservative New Democracy Party, did not attend the swearing-in ceremony for his successor.

According to a Syriza official, Mr. Tsipras found his prime ministerial office completely bare — with the safe open and empty. A political jab, no doubt, but also a reminder of the challenges ahead.

ΝΥ Times

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